Unfairly Dismissed – Then Blamed for Not Finding Another Job

The Employment Appeal Tribunal’s decision in Kirkland v Caroline Mason trading as Hawthorn Education Services [2026] EAT 108 raises important questions about compensation, the obligation to find alternative work and the treatment of employees who have already suffered an unlawful dismissal.

There is something rather perverse about the way compensation can work in unfair dismissal cases. An employer dismisses someone without following a proper procedure. The employee takes the matter to an Employment Tribunal and establishes that the dismissal was unlawful. You might think the next question would be how much the employer should pay for the financial losses it has caused.

It isn’t always that simple.

Instead, attention can shift towards the dismissed worker. Did they apply for enough jobs? Could they have accepted different working hours? Were they too selective about the positions they considered? Did they spend too much time pursuing other interests when they should have been looking for employment?

These are legitimate questions in some circumstances. Employment law requires people who have suffered financial losses to take reasonable steps to reduce them. But there is a considerable difference between expecting someone to act reasonably and demanding that they reorganise their life to protect their former employer from the financial consequences of an unlawful dismissal.

The Employment Appeal Tribunal’s decision in Kirkland v Caroline Mason trading as Hawthorn Education Services [2026] EAT 108 examines that distinction. It also considers how tribunals should compensate workers for time spent preparing proceedings when the other side has behaved unreasonably.

Both issues have practical implications for trade union representatives.

A Dismissal Without a Proper Procedure

Patricia Kirkland worked as a part-time administration manager for Hawthorn Education Services, a business providing specialist education to children outside mainstream schooling. She had worked there since February 2019, completing 13.75 hours a week and earning an average of £652.91 gross per month.

In August 2022, she was summarily dismissed following allegations of misconduct. There had been no investigation, no proper disciplinary process and no warning that the meeting she attended might result in her dismissal. She received no written dismissal decision and was not offered a right of appeal.

The employer even disputed whether she was an employee, arguing that she was self-employed. That argument failed.

The Employment Tribunal found that Kirkland was an employee and that her dismissal was unfair. It also declined to reduce her compensation on grounds of contributory fault or on the basis that she might have been dismissed anyway had a fair procedure been followed.

The employer had failed to follow basic employment procedures and had dismissed someone unfairly. Kirkland was entitled to compensation.

She claimed £12,405.29 in lost earnings, covering approximately 19 months between her dismissal and March 2024.

However, her employer argued that she had failed to make sufficient efforts to find alternative employment.

Kirkland had made six job applications over approximately twelve months. She was 64 at the time of the tribunal proceedings and referred to her age, health difficulties and the absence of an employment reference as obstacles to finding suitable work.

She was also developing a short-term property rental business, which she had been establishing alongside her part-time employment. Following her dismissal, she spent more time building that business and concentrated on finding employment that would fit around it.

The employer challenged this approach. It argued that she should have applied for more positions and produced advertisements for 14 jobs that it suggested were potentially suitable.

One opportunity involved working for a solicitors’ firm. Kirkland had initially pursued the position because she understood it offered flexible part-time employment. However, when she discovered that attendance would be required on all five working days, she explained that the arrangement would not suit her circumstances. She was not subsequently interviewed.

The original tribunal was critical of her approach. It regarded her as capable, professional and highly employable. It concluded that she had concentrated on expanding her property business rather than making sufficient efforts to find replacement employment.

Instead of awarding the 19 months of lost earnings claimed, it allowed just six months, amounting to £3,917.46.

That was a substantial reduction. More importantly, the Employment Appeal Tribunal found that the original tribunal had applied the wrong legal test.

Who Has to Prove a Failure to Mitigate?

The central issue was the burden of proof.

The original tribunal had stated:

I am not satisfied that the Claimant has mitigated her loss.

Those words were important because they suggested that the tribunal expected Kirkland to prove she had taken reasonable steps to reduce her losses.

But that is not how the law works.

Where an employer argues that compensation should be reduced because a dismissed worker failed to mitigate their loss, the burden is on the employer to prove that the worker acted unreasonably.

This principle has been established for many years. The Court of Appeal addressed it in Wilding v British Telecommunications plc [2002] EWCA Civ 349, and it was examined again in Cooper Contracting Ltd v Lindsey UKEAT/0184/15.

In Cooper Contracting, the Employment Appeal Tribunal drew an important distinction between acting reasonably and not acting unreasonably.

It may have been reasonable for someone to apply for more jobs, accept different employment or pursue opportunities they ultimately rejected. That does not necessarily mean their actual decisions were unreasonable.

People do not always make the choices that a tribunal, looking back months or years later, considers most sensible. They may have good reasons for acting differently. The law allows for that.

Judge Mathew Gullick KC found that the original tribunal had failed to make a positive finding that Kirkland had acted unreasonably. It had considered her circumstances and expressed dissatisfaction with her attempts to find work, but it had not properly addressed whether the employer had proved an unreasonable failure to mitigate.

Nor had it correctly applied the burden of proof.

This is far more than a technical point.

Imagine a worker who has spent years in a part-time job and organised other commitments around those hours. After being unfairly dismissed, they are told that they should have applied for employment involving considerably less flexibility, longer journeys or attendance on more days.

It might have been sensible to consider those jobs. Depending on the circumstances, refusing them might even have been unreasonable. But the worker is not automatically required to abandon every existing commitment because their employer has unlawfully dismissed them.

In Kirkland’s case, the property rental business complicated matters. There was evidence that she had deliberately concentrated on finding work that would fit around its development. The employer was entitled to argue that this limited her efforts to replace her lost wages.

What it could not do was simply assume that those choices justified reducing compensation. It had to prove that her conduct was unreasonable.

The test is objective, but the worker’s circumstances, wishes and reasons for acting as they did are relevant.

An employer may believe that a dismissed worker could have done more. That is not enough.

One of the most useful principles in Cooper Contracting, discussed in the Kirkland judgment, is the warning against imposing too demanding a standard on someone who has already suffered a legal wrong.

After all, the worker would not have been in that position had the employer acted lawfully in the first place.

That does not excuse unreasonable conduct by a claimant. It does mean that the tribunal must ask the right question and place the burden of proof where the law says it belongs.

Job Advertisements Do Not Prove a Worker Could Have Found Employment

There is a familiar tactic in disputes over compensation. The employer produces a collection of job advertisements and suggests that, because vacancies existed, the claimant could have found alternative employment.

It sounds convincing until you examine the evidence.

A job advertisement is not a job offer.

Was the position actually suitable? Did it require qualifications or experience the claimant did not possess? Were the hours compatible with their circumstances? Was the location practical? How many other people might have applied?

And, most importantly, was the claimant unreasonable in failing to pursue it?

Kirkland’s employer had identified 14 advertised positions, but had produced no witness evidence at the remedy hearing. The advertisements were material the tribunal could consider. They did not, by themselves, prove that Kirkland had unreasonably failed to mitigate her losses.

For representatives, this is an area where careful preparation can make a difference.

If an employer produces a list of vacancies, examine them individually. Ask whether the jobs were genuinely suitable and whether the claimant had a realistic prospect of securing them. Do not allow the existence of advertisements to be treated as proof that employment was readily available.

Workers should also keep proper records of their efforts to find alternative employment. Applications, interviews, recruitment agency contacts and explanations for rejecting unsuitable vacancies can all help establish what actually happened.

Although the employer bears the legal burden, it makes sense for claimants to have evidence supporting their account.

Where members have health problems, caring responsibilities or other commitments affecting the work they can undertake, these should be explained and, where appropriate, supported by evidence.

Nobody needs to demonstrate that every decision was perfect. But being able to explain those decisions is important.

There is also a danger in allowing assumptions about employability to replace evidence. The original tribunal considered Kirkland capable, professional and an attractive prospect for administrative work. Those assessments may have been entirely fair. But being a capable worker is not the same as being guaranteed another job.

Nor does finding someone personally impressive establish that they behaved unreasonably by not securing employment sooner.

The Other Battle: Compensation for Preparation Time

Kirkland’s appeal raised a second issue that deserves more attention.

Employment litigation can be extraordinarily demanding. There are claims to prepare, documents to examine, correspondence to answer, witnesses to organise and deadlines to meet. A supposedly straightforward unfair dismissal case can become a prolonged exercise.

This is particularly true when an employer or its representatives conduct proceedings unreasonably.

Kirkland had represented herself before the original tribunal. She complained about the way the employer had defended the claim and submitted a detailed chronology explaining the additional work she believed that conduct had caused.

She sought a preparation time order covering 155 hours.

The tribunal accepted that the employer had acted vexatiously and unreasonably in defending the proceedings. It was particularly critical of aspects of the handling of the case and the apparent failure to engage in negotiations following an earlier hearing.

However, the tribunal also criticised Kirkland’s own approach. It considered that she had spent unnecessary time dealing with minor details and preparing excessively large bundles of documents.

That criticism was something the tribunal was entitled to take into account. Anyone who has represented members knows how easily a case can become buried beneath correspondence, duplicated material and arguments that have little bearing on the actual dispute.

One of the most valuable things an experienced representative can do is identify what really matters and concentrate on it.

But the tribunal then awarded Kirkland £1,000 without explaining how it had calculated that amount.

Her claim involved 155 hours at the applicable rate of £43 an hour, representing more than £6,500 if allowed in full. The tribunal had therefore reduced her claim substantially.

It was entitled to reject preparation time that it considered unreasonable or disproportionate. What it could not do was simply choose a figure without following the calculation required by the rules.

At the time of the proceedings, Rule 79 of the Employment Tribunals Rules of Procedure 2013 required the tribunal to assess the number of reasonable and proportionate preparation hours and multiply that number by the prescribed hourly rate.

Judge Gullick found that the original tribunal had failed to do this.

It had effectively selected a round sum rather than identifying how many hours should properly be allowed.

The EAT recognised that a tribunal does not have to examine every minute of preparation individually. Some estimation is permissible. But there must still be an assessment of the hours allowed, supported by adequate reasoning.

The employer suggested that the £1,000 figure could be interpreted as representing approximately 23.26 hours at £43 an hour.

That argument was rejected. There was nothing in the original decision to suggest that the tribunal had actually undertaken such a calculation.

The rules have since changed, but the principle remains. Under Rule 77 of the Employment Tribunal Procedure Rules 2024, the tribunal must assess the reasonable and proportionate preparation time and apply the prescribed hourly rate. For preparation undertaken in the year beginning 6 April 2026, that rate is £46 an hour.

Preparation time orders are not automatically available simply because a worker wins a case. The legal grounds for making such an order must be established. These include unreasonable conduct of proceedings or a claim or response having no reasonable prospect of success.

A preparation time order is concerned with qualifying preparation undertaken without legal representation. Under the current rules, assistance from a non-lawyer representative does not, of itself, prevent such an order, although a preparation time order and a costs order cannot both be made in favour of the same party in the same proceedings.

For union representatives, the practical point is to keep a proper record when an employer’s unreasonable conduct causes additional work.

Identify what happened, what preparation became necessary and how much time was reasonably spent dealing with it. An application supported by a chronology and records of preparation is considerably stronger than a general complaint that the employer made the case difficult.

And if a tribunal accepts that an order is appropriate, it must then calculate the amount according to the rules.

Winning the Case Should Mean Something

The Employment Appeal Tribunal allowed Kirkland’s appeal on both grounds.

The compensatory award was set aside because the tribunal had failed to apply the correct approach to mitigation. The preparation time award was also set aside because it had not been calculated in accordance with the rules.

Both matters were sent back to a different Employment Judge for reconsideration.

The existing £500 award for loss of statutory rights was preserved, as was the finding that making a preparation time order was appropriate. The 25 per cent uplift for failure to comply with the ACAS Code of Practice would also have to be recalculated if the compensatory award changed. The employer had not challenged the 25 per cent rate itself.

Kirkland had not automatically secured the full compensation she originally claimed. The new tribunal would still have to consider the evidence and determine the appropriate amounts.

Her success was in establishing that the original decisions had been reached through an incorrect application of the law.

It is also worth noting that Kirkland was assisted in her appeal by Patricia Leonard of the Free Representation Unit, who appeared without charge. Without that assistance, an unrepresented claimant might have found it considerably harder to identify and pursue the legal errors involved.

The case illustrates why representatives need to be familiar with the authorities governing compensation, rather than relying entirely on general arguments about fairness.

The original tribunal had not been directed to the relevant authorities on mitigation. The employer’s submissions had emphasised the need for a just and equitable award without properly addressing the established burden of proof.

Section 123(1) of the Employment Rights Act 1996 does require a tribunal to determine what compensation is just and equitable. But section 123(4) requires it to apply the common law rules on mitigation. The general principle of fairness cannot be used to avoid the particular legal test.

That is an argument worth making whenever an employer seeks to reduce compensation because a worker supposedly failed to find alternative employment.

There is a broader concern here, too.

For a dismissed worker, bringing a tribunal claim can involve considerable financial and emotional strain. Employment may have been lost suddenly. Savings may be depleted. The worker may be trying to rebuild their working life while dealing with proceedings that continue for months or years.

Yet after proving that the employer acted unlawfully, the claimant may find themselves answering questions about every decision they have made since losing their job.

Why did they not apply for more vacancies? Why did they not accept different hours? Why did they concentrate on another source of income? Why did they not find work sooner?

Some scrutiny is inevitable. Compensation should reflect actual losses, and workers cannot disregard reasonable opportunities to reduce them.

But we should not lose sight of who created the problem.

Kirkland had worked part-time for several years. She was dismissed without investigation or procedure, and the original tribunal found that she had done nothing to bring the dismissal upon herself. She then had to pursue legal proceedings to establish rights that her employer had denied.

When the question of compensation arose, it was the employer’s responsibility to prove that she had acted unreasonably in failing to reduce her losses.

The EAT did not decide that all her choices were reasonable. It decided that the tribunal had failed to ask the correct question. That distinction is important, and it leaves the substantive issue to be determined properly at the rehearing.

For trade union representatives, Kirkland provides a useful authority to cite when employers argue that a claimant should have applied for more jobs, accepted different working arrangements or made greater efforts to reduce their losses.

It also reinforces the need to challenge inadequately reasoned preparation time awards.

Nobody disputes that dismissed workers should make reasonable efforts to find alternative employment. But there is something fundamentally wrong when an employer can dispense with proper procedures, dismiss a worker unlawfully and then seek to escape much of the financial responsibility by arguing that the worker should have organised their life differently afterwards.

The law places the burden of proving an unreasonable failure to mitigate on the employer.

It is a protection worth knowing about and, when necessary, fighting to enforce.

Report from Pat Harrington


Case: Kirkland v Caroline Mason trading as Hawthorn Education Services [2026] EAT 108.

Decision: Employment Appeal Tribunal, Judge Mathew Gullick KC, 9 July 2026. Published 18 September 2026.

Full judgment: Read the judgment on GOV.UK

Relevant authorities: Wilding v British Telecommunications plc [2002] EWCA Civ 349; Cooper Contracting Ltd v Lindsey UKEAT/0184/15.

Legislation: Employment Rights Act 1996, section 123; Employment Tribunal Procedure Rules 2024, Rules 73–77.

The Right to Be Accompanied: A Legal Protection With a Dangerous Loophole

SOLIDARITY TRADE UNION | EMPLOYMENT RIGHTS & CASE LAW

Wolfe v Taka Mayfair Ltd [2026] EAT 106

A worker is called into a meeting with his employers at the end of a shift. He has not been warned that his job is at risk. He has not been told that the meeting is disciplinary or that dismissal is a possible outcome. There is no trade union representative present, no colleague to offer support and no opportunity to prepare a defence. By the time he discovers what the meeting is really about, he has lost his job.

Most people would regard that as an obvious denial of basic procedural fairness. Yet, according to a recent Employment Appeal Tribunal judgment, the employer has not necessarily breached the statutory right to be accompanied.

The reason is remarkably simple. The worker never asked to be accompanied.

That is the uncomfortable lesson of Wolfe v Taka Mayfair Ltd [2026] EAT 106, decided by His Honour Judge Auerbach on 22 July 2026. The judgment exposes a significant weakness in legislation intended to protect workers during disciplinary and grievance proceedings. It also raises an important question about the relationship between rights that exist on paper and rights that can be exercised in practice.

For trade unions, the case deserves careful attention. It illustrates why workers need to understand their rights before they find themselves in difficulty, why employers should be challenged when they fail to follow fair procedures, and why the law itself may need strengthening.

What happened to Mr Wolfe?

Leonardo Wolfe was employed by Taka Mayfair Limited, a restaurant business, as a Head Sommelier and Manager. His employment began on 21 December 2022 and ended on 21 January 2023, a period of just one month.

According to the account he advanced before the Employment Tribunal, the circumstances of his dismissal were particularly troubling.

At the end of a working shift, he was drawn into a face-to-face meeting with the restaurant’s two owners. He had received no advance warning of the meeting’s purpose. Neither its disciplinary character nor the possibility of dismissal had been explained to him.

The employer disputed the characterisation of the meeting, describing it as a performance review rather than a disciplinary hearing. Wolfe maintained that the meeting was one at which the statutory right to be accompanied should have applied.

That disagreement was never finally resolved in the proceedings under consideration. Instead, the case turned on a narrower legal question.

Wolfe had not asked to bring a trade union representative or work colleague to the meeting. He argued that he had been unable to make an informed request because he had not known what was about to happen.

There is an obvious practical difficulty here. A worker cannot readily exercise a right attached to a particular type of meeting if the employer conceals, or simply fails to disclose, the meeting’s true nature.

Wolfe subsequently brought Employment Tribunal proceedings and sought permission to amend his claim to include a complaint that his statutory right to be accompanied had been breached.

The Tribunal refused the amendment. Even accepting his factual account for the purpose of considering the application, it concluded that the proposed claim could not succeed. Section 10 of the Employment Relations Act 1999 required him to have made a request to be accompanied. He had not done so.

Wolfe appealed that decision.

It is important to understand precisely what the appeal concerned. The Employment Appeal Tribunal was not deciding whether the original dismissal was fair, nor whether the employer had behaved properly in every respect. It was deciding whether the Employment Tribunal had been legally correct to refuse an amendment adding a particular statutory complaint.

That distinction matters because an employer may escape liability under one statutory provision while still having acted unfairly or unreasonably under another.

What does the law actually say?

The right to be accompanied is contained in section 10 of the Employment Relations Act 1999. It applies to workers, not merely those who satisfy the narrower legal definition of employee, and it does not depend on a minimum period of service.

The legislation establishes two conditions for the statutory right to become operative.

First, the worker must be required or invited to attend a qualifying disciplinary or grievance hearing. Secondly, the worker must reasonably request to be accompanied.

Where those conditions are satisfied, the employer must permit the worker to be accompanied by an eligible person, generally an appropriate trade union official or another worker employed by the same employer.

The companion is not there merely to observe proceedings. The legislation allows the companion to put the worker’s case, respond to points raised during the hearing, sum up the worker’s position and confer with the worker privately.

A companion cannot insist on answering every question on the worker’s behalf or preventing the employer from presenting its case. Nevertheless, the role provides significant practical protection.

A representative may identify procedural irregularities, challenge unsupported allegations, seek clarification, ensure relevant mitigating circumstances are considered and help prevent an employer from using its greater experience or authority to overwhelm an individual employee.

There is also a statutory postponement right. Where the chosen companion is unavailable, an eligible worker can propose a reasonable alternative date within the statutory five-working-day period, and the employer must postpone accordingly.

These protections are valuable, particularly when dismissal is a possible consequence.

However, the legislation contains a crucial qualification. The worker must request accompaniment before the employer becomes subject to the relevant duties.

That requirement proved decisive in Wolfe’s case.

The argument against the employer’s approach

Wolfe’s argument before the Employment Appeal Tribunal was both practical and persuasive from the standpoint of workplace fairness.

If an employer can avoid the statutory duty simply by failing to explain that a meeting is disciplinary, the protection becomes vulnerable to circumvention.

Consider the difference between two situations.

In the first, an employee receives a letter explaining that they are required to attend a disciplinary hearing, setting out the allegations and warning that dismissal is a possible outcome. The employee requests a trade union representative, and the employer refuses.

That is a straightforward potential breach of section 10.

In the second, an employee is simply told to attend a meeting with management. No allegations are disclosed. No warning is given. During the meeting, the employer raises concerns about performance or conduct and announces dismissal.

The employee may never have requested a representative because there was no reason to anticipate needing one.

Yet the practical outcome is substantially the same. In both cases, the worker faces a potentially career-ending decision without the support that Parliament intended the legislation to provide.

Wolfe argued that allowing the second situation to escape the statutory protection undermined the legislation’s purpose.

He also challenged the suggestion that employees should simply ask for representation whenever they are summoned to an unexplained meeting.

Workers are not always in a position to challenge management. Some may fear that asking for a union representative will be interpreted as confrontational. Others may be unfamiliar with employment law, inexperienced in disciplinary procedures or anxious about their position.

Those fears are especially acute among workers with limited service, insecure contracts or little practical bargaining power.

Judge Auerbach recognised the force of these concerns. Nevertheless, he concluded that the statutory wording was sufficiently clear to prevent the Tribunal from adopting Wolfe’s proposed interpretation.

The judge’s task was to apply the law Parliament had enacted, rather than to rewrite that law in accordance with what might be regarded as desirable policy.

The judgment makes clear that the express wording requires an actual request. Without one, the accompanying obligations in section 10 do not arise.

The judge concluded that any gap in protection was ultimately a matter for Parliament to address.

The difference between legal rights and workplace fairness

One of the most important aspects of the judgment is its treatment of the Acas Code of Practice on Disciplinary and Grievance Procedures.

The Code sets out standards of fairness that employers are expected to observe when dealing with disciplinary matters.

Under the Code, employees facing disciplinary proceedings should ordinarily receive written notification of the allegations, sufficient information to understand the case against them and reasonable time to prepare a response.

They should also be informed of their right to be accompanied.

Paragraph 10 of the Code expressly addresses notification of that right. Yet, as the Employment Appeal Tribunal explained, the Code does not have precisely the same legal status as an Act of Parliament.

An employer’s failure to comply with the Code does not automatically give rise to an independent claim for compensation.

Instead, tribunals must take relevant provisions into account when deciding applicable claims, such as ordinary unfair dismissal. In appropriate cases, an unreasonable failure to follow the Code may also affect compensation, with a potential adjustment of up to 25 per cent.

This creates an important distinction.

An employer who fails to explain the purpose of a disciplinary hearing may have disregarded recognised standards of fair treatment. If an eligible employee is dismissed, that failure may contribute to a finding of unfair dismissal.

Nevertheless, it does not automatically establish a breach of section 10 unless the worker made the required request to be accompanied.

The distinction might satisfy the technical requirements of the legislation, but it is difficult to defend as a coherent approach to workplace justice.

Why should an employer’s obligation to respect a particular statutory protection depend on whether an employee recognised a danger that the employer had failed to disclose?

Acas guidance clearly recognises the value of giving workers proper notice and an opportunity to prepare. The judgment demonstrates that following good practice and complying with the narrow requirements of a particular statute are not always the same thing.

A request made during the meeting could make a difference

Although Wolfe lost his appeal, the judgment contains an important observation that union representatives should not overlook.

Judge Auerbach considered the possibility of a worker discovering, during an unexpected meeting, that formal disciplinary action might be taken.

What if that worker immediately asks for a trade union representative?

The judgment discussed this possibility with reference to Yoshovska v Goldman Sachs International, an Employment Tribunal decision from January 2022.

The suggestion was that a worker who only becomes aware of the disciplinary nature of a meeting once it is underway may still be able to make a reasonable request for accompaniment at that point.

There is nothing in section 10 requiring every request to be made in writing, nor does the legislation prescribe a particular minimum period before the hearing by which the request must be submitted.

It follows that an oral request made during a meeting may be legally significant.

A worker who suddenly realises that a supposed informal discussion has become a disciplinary hearing should therefore make an immediate and explicit request for representation.

The employer may then need to adjourn proceedings to allow the statutory right to be exercised.

Importantly, however, the judge did not finally determine that particular question. He identified it as a potentially arguable route, but it could not assist Wolfe because Wolfe had made no request at all.

That qualification should not be lost. The judgment supports the practical importance of making a request during a meeting, but it should not be presented as definitively settling every question about a late request or adjournment.

The distinction is particularly important in workplace representation, where an overconfident reading of a judgment can be as damaging as misunderstanding the law altogether.

Could the dismissal still have been unfair?

A natural reaction to the case is to ask whether Wolfe could have pursued ordinary unfair dismissal rather than relying on the right to be accompanied.

His exceptionally short employment was a significant obstacle.

At the time of his dismissal in January 2023, employees ordinarily needed two years’ continuous service to qualify for protection against ordinary unfair dismissal.

Wolfe had approximately one month’s service.

There are exceptions where dismissal relates to particular automatically unfair reasons, and discrimination protections are not generally dependent on completing two years’ service. However, the facts described in the EAT judgment do not, by themselves, establish that such an exception applied.

This is one reason the right to be accompanied is so important.

Unlike ordinary unfair dismissal protection under the law applicable to Wolfe’s dismissal, section 10 does not require two years’ service.

A worker may be entitled to the protection from the very beginning of the working relationship.

Indeed, its application is wider in another respect. It extends to qualifying workers rather than being restricted exclusively to employees.

That makes it particularly valuable for people in insecure employment who may have limited access to other employment protections.

The difficulty exposed by Wolfe’s case is that the benefit of this wider protection may disappear at precisely the moment an inexperienced or vulnerable worker needs it most.

There is, nevertheless, another important legal distinction.

The EAT referred to Talon Engineering Ltd v Smith, an earlier decision demonstrating that the statutory right to accompaniment and the general law of unfair dismissal are separate.

A breach of section 10 does not inevitably render a dismissal unfair. Equally, an employer may comply with section 10 and still carry out an unfair dismissal.

Fairness depends on the wider circumstances, including the employer’s reasons, investigations, procedures, and treatment of the employee.

It would therefore be wrong to conclude from Wolfe that employers have unrestricted freedom to dismiss workers at meetings arranged without warning.

They do not.

The judgment decides a specific statutory issue, not the general acceptability of surprise dismissals.

A right without an effective remedy?

There is another aspect of section 10 worth examining: the compensation available when employers breach it.

Where an Employment Tribunal upholds a complaint under section 11, it may order compensation of up to two weeks’ pay, subject to the relevant statutory calculations.

That is a comparatively modest financial remedy.

For a worker who has lost a job, the practical consequences can be far greater than the amount recoverable under this particular provision.

The legislation also provides separate protections against victimisation for exercising, or seeking to exercise, the right to be accompanied.

Section 12 protects workers against detriment for invoking the statutory rights and includes protection against dismissal for that reason. Certain claims arising from dismissal for exercising these rights do not require the ordinary qualifying period of employment.

There is protection, too, for those who accompany or seek to accompany another worker under the statutory arrangements.

These provisions demonstrate that Parliament recognised the risk of employers retaliating against workers or representatives who assert their rights.

Yet the Wolfe judgment exposes a difficulty that arises before retaliation even becomes relevant.

What happens when the worker never gets a meaningful opportunity to assert the right in the first place?

That is the central problem.

The statutory framework protects workers who invoke accompaniment rights, but the particular duty to permit accompaniment can be avoided where no request is made, even if the absence of a request results from the employer’s failure to explain what is happening.

This is an unsatisfactory imbalance.

The employee must be sufficiently informed, sufficiently confident and sufficiently quick-thinking to recognise the situation and invoke the protection. The employer, meanwhile, is not subject to an equivalent express obligation under section 10 to ensure that the worker knows the nature of the meeting and the right that may arise.

That does not mean every employer will exploit the position. Many employers will follow established procedures and allow representation as a matter of course.

The concern is that the law leaves room for less scrupulous employers to take advantage of a worker’s uncertainty.

A statutory safeguard should not depend so heavily on the employee’s ability to anticipate management’s intentions.

Why the judge could not close the loophole

It would be easy to criticise the EAT for reaching a conclusion that appears harsh. That would miss an important feature of the judgment.

Judge Auerbach did not suggest that Wolfe’s concerns were trivial or irrational.

On the contrary, the judgment engaged carefully with the argument that an employer could undermine the protection by withholding information about a meeting.

The difficulty was the statutory wording.

Section 10 expressly requires a reasonable request. There was no dispute that Wolfe had failed to make one.

The judge considered whether the legislation could be interpreted more broadly by reference to its purpose, the history of its introduction or human rights principles.

He concluded that these approaches could not remove a requirement stated unambiguously by Parliament.

The purpose of statutory interpretation is not to give judges unlimited freedom to repair legislation whenever its operation produces an unattractive result.

That is an important constitutional principle, even when its practical consequences are frustrating.

The judgment therefore puts responsibility for any reform where it properly belongs: with Parliament.

The final conclusion was that if the absence of protection in these circumstances represents a legislative gap, Parliament must decide whether to close it.

For unions, that creates an opportunity to make the case for a straightforward and overdue reform.

What should change?

There is a strong argument for amending section 10 so that employers have an express statutory obligation to notify workers of their right to be accompanied whenever they are required to attend a qualifying disciplinary or grievance hearing.

That notification should explain the nature of the meeting, the possible consequences and the worker’s entitlement to representation.

The duty should not depend on the employee requesting information that the employer ought to have supplied in the first place.

It would also be sensible to provide expressly that where an apparently informal meeting develops into one at which formal disciplinary action may be taken, the employer must stop proceedings, explain the worker’s rights and provide a reasonable opportunity to secure representation.

Such requirements would hardly impose an unreasonable burden on responsible employers. Organisations already following the Acas Code should have little difficulty complying.

The change would principally affect employers who fail to observe the standards of transparency and procedural fairness that should already be normal practice.

A further question concerns remedies.

The existing maximum compensation of two weeks’ pay for a straightforward breach of accompaniment rights may provide an inadequate deterrent, particularly where employers deliberately exclude union representation.

There is an argument for stronger remedies where an employer knowingly disregards a worker’s statutory rights, alongside effective protection against retaliation.

The wider issue is that workers should not have to understand complicated distinctions between statutory obligations, codes of practice and qualifying periods merely to obtain fair treatment.

Employment law is already complex. That complexity should not become an advantage for employers who control the disciplinary process.

What Solidarity members should do

The immediate lesson from Wolfe is that workers must be proactive about representation.

Members should never assume that a meeting described as informal, a performance discussion, a review or a routine management conversation cannot have disciplinary consequences.

Where there is uncertainty about a meeting’s purpose, the sensible course is to ask for clarification before attending.

If there is any possibility of formal disciplinary action, members should expressly request accompaniment by a trade union representative.

Making that request in writing creates a useful record, although the statutory requirement does not insist upon written notification.

The following wording would be appropriate:

I would like clarification of the purpose of this meeting and whether any disciplinary action, including a warning or dismissal, is being considered. If this is a disciplinary hearing, I am exercising my statutory right under section 10 of the Employment Relations Act 1999 to be accompanied by a trade union representative. I request that the hearing be arranged to allow my representative to attend.

If the disciplinary nature of a meeting only becomes apparent once proceedings have started, the worker should make the request immediately and ask for an adjournment.

For example:

It now appears that this meeting may result in disciplinary action. I am requesting trade union representation under section 10 of the Employment Relations Act 1999. I ask that the meeting be adjourned so that I can arrange for my representative to attend.

There is no guarantee that every dispute over such a request will be resolved in the worker’s favour. Nevertheless, making the request removes the particular difficulty that defeated Wolfe’s claim: the complete absence of any attempt to invoke the statutory right.

Members should also record what happened, including who attended, what was said about the meeting’s purpose, when disciplinary consequences were first mentioned and how management responded to any request for representation.

These details may become crucial evidence in subsequent proceedings.

It is important to distinguish between a disciplinary investigation, an informal management discussion and a formal disciplinary hearing. The statutory right does not ordinarily apply to purely investigatory meetings or informal discussions that cannot themselves result in disciplinary action. However, workplace policies may provide wider rights, and disability-related reasonable adjustments may create additional obligations.

Members should therefore seek advice rather than assume that the statutory minimum represents the full extent of their protection.

Lessons for union representatives

For trade union representatives, the case has implications extending beyond advising individual members.

One is the importance of challenging employers who use ambiguous terminology to describe meetings.

A meeting does not necessarily cease to be disciplinary simply because management calls it a performance review, fact-finding conversation or informal discussion.

Its actual purpose and potential consequences matter.

If a meeting can result in a formal warning, dismissal or another qualifying disciplinary outcome, the statutory definition may be satisfied regardless of the label the employer attaches to it.

Representatives should examine the employer’s own disciplinary procedure and any contractual or collectively agreed provisions concerning representation.

These may provide protections exceeding the statutory minimum.

A collective agreement, for example, may require advance notice, disclosure of allegations and union representation in circumstances where the precise statutory duty under section 10 has not yet arisen.

It is also worth examining whether the employer has followed the Acas Code, whether the disciplinary investigation was adequate, whether the worker had a meaningful opportunity to respond and whether any dismissal was reasonable in the circumstances.

Wolfe should not encourage representatives to abandon potentially meritorious cases simply because no request for accompaniment was made.

It does, however, mean that an isolated claim for breach of section 10 is unlikely to succeed where the evidence establishes that the worker never made such a request.

Finally, representatives should remember that tribunal claims are subject to strict time limits, generally starting at three months less one day for the relevant employment event, subject to applicable rules and extensions. Acas early conciliation can affect the calculation. Members should seek advice promptly rather than wait for internal proceedings to conclude.

The importance of trade union membership

Perhaps the most significant lesson concerns the practical value of trade union membership.

Employment rights are not self-enforcing.

Workers may possess considerable protections under legislation yet be completely unaware of their existence until a dispute develops.

Even those who know their rights may lack the confidence to challenge management, particularly when they are new to an organisation or worried about losing their livelihood.

An experienced union representative can change that balance.

Representatives understand the relevant procedures, recognise when a supposedly informal conversation has become a disciplinary matter and know when to insist that proceedings are adjourned.

They can identify whether the employer has disclosed the allegations, provided adequate evidence and allowed the worker sufficient time to prepare.

They can also ensure that disciplinary decisions are challenged through the proper channels where there are grounds to do so.

None of this guarantees that every employee will avoid disciplinary action or dismissal. Nor should it.

Employers have legitimate reasons to address misconduct and poor performance. A fair disciplinary system must accommodate those responsibilities.

But it must also ensure that workers are treated with dignity, allowed to answer allegations and given a genuine opportunity to defend themselves.

These principles are not obstacles to effective management. They are essential conditions of fair management.

Solidarity’s approach is to ensure that members do not have to face workplace disputes alone. Where representation rights arise, we want members to exercise them confidently, with access to advice before decisions are taken rather than having to pursue remedies after the damage has been done.

A victory for the wording of the law, but not necessarily for justice

The decision in Wolfe v Taka Mayfair Ltd is legally understandable. The Employment Appeal Tribunal was asked to interpret a statute, and the relevant words leave little room for manoeuvre.

The judge did not invent the requirement that workers request accompaniment. Parliament put it there.

Yet that does not make the outcome satisfactory.

The case demonstrates how a legal protection can be weakened by the conditions attached to exercising it.

A worker who knows a disciplinary hearing is taking place can request representation. A worker who has no idea that a disciplinary hearing is taking place may fail to do so, even though the need for representation is just as great.

The law recognises the former situation but, as this judgment confirms, does not adequately address the latter through section 10.

There is something deeply unsatisfactory about a system in which an employer’s failure to provide information can leave a worker unable to exercise a statutory right, without that failure itself constituting a breach of the particular provision intended to protect them.

The answer is not to criticise judges for applying the law. It is to improve the law.

Parliament should make it an explicit statutory duty to notify workers of their accompaniment rights and provide a meaningful opportunity to exercise them before formal disciplinary action is taken.

Until that happens, workers and their unions must deal with the law as it stands.

For Solidarity members, the message is clear. When management calls you into a meeting and you suspect that your employment may be at risk, establish what the meeting is about and request your union representative. If the meeting unexpectedly turns disciplinary, make that request immediately.

The most important words in a disciplinary meeting may be spoken before the employer has even explained its allegations.

They are the words that ensure you do not face those allegations alone.

Together we are strong.

By Maria Camara

Legal reference: Wolfe v Taka Mayfair Ltd [2026] EAT 106, judgment of HHJ Auerbach, 22 July 2026. The article reflects the law and published guidance reviewed on 14 October 2026. The 2026 Acas consultation draft is not treated as an operative replacement for the existing Code.

Primary judgment: Employment Appeal Tribunal judgment. Relevant guidance: Acas Code of Practice.

Ending Zero-Hours Contracts? Not If Workers Remain Insecure

What good is banning zero-hours contracts if workers still don’t know what they’ll earn next week?

That is the question ministers need to answer as concerns grow over how Labour’s promised reforms to insecure work will operate in practice. When Labour pledged to tackle exploitative zero-hours contracts, millions of workers welcomed the announcement. After years of uncertainty, many hoped it would mark a genuine shift in the balance of power at work. The principle sounded straightforward: if a worker regularly works certain hours, their contract should reflect those hours. No more contractual fiction. No more employers demanding flexibility without offering security in return. No more workers left guessing how much money they will take home at the end of the month.

However, as details emerge about how the reforms may be implemented, an uncomfortable question is beginning to surface. Are we actually ending insecure work, or are we simply changing the language used to describe it?

For years, zero-hours contracts have become the symbol of workplace insecurity. The criticism has always been simple. Workers are expected to remain available for work, yet employers are under little obligation to provide predictable hours or a stable income. The consequences extend far beyond the workplace. Workers struggle to budget, families struggle to plan, childcare arrangements become difficult to organise and mortgages become harder to obtain. Entire lives are built around uncertainty. This is why so many workers welcomed Labour’s commitment to act.

Yet the deeper issue has never been the label attached to a contract. The real problem has always been insecurity itself. That is why the debate surrounding eligibility thresholds for guaranteed-hours contracts matters so much.

On the surface, discussions about thresholds and qualifying periods sound dry and technical. In reality, they could determine whether the reforms succeed or fail. Trade unions have warned that depending on where ministers set the threshold, large numbers of workers could find themselves excluded from the very protections they were promised.

Consider a typical retail worker. Let’s call them Sam. On paper, Sam has a contract guaranteeing twenty-one hours of work each week. In reality, she regularly works thirty hours or more. Those additional hours are not a luxury. They are not occasional overtime that provides extra spending money. They are the hours that pay the rent, cover household bills and put food on the table.

The difficulty is that many of those hours remain dependent on management discretion. They can be reduced, rearranged or withdrawn altogether. The contract presents one picture of Sam’s working life, while the reality presents another. And workers do not live their lives according to what appears on paper. They live according to the hours they actually work and the income they actually receive.

This is the concern many unions are raising. If employers simply move workers from zero-hours contracts onto short-hours contracts while continuing to rely on substantial additional discretionary hours, much of the insecurity remains intact. The terminology changes. The worker’s experience does not. The headline announces reform, but everyday life carries on exactly as before.

Workers did not vote for a new description of insecurity. They voted for greater security. They voted for predictable incomes, stable employment and contracts that reflect reality. They voted for a system that would allow them to build a future with confidence rather than uncertainty.

Security at work is about far more than the number printed on a contract. It also affects confidence and workplace culture. Imagine challenging unfair treatment, reporting bullying or raising concerns about safety while knowing that a significant proportion of your income depends on additional shifts being allocated by management. Some workers will still speak out. Many others will think twice. Not because they lack courage, but because they have responsibilities. Rent must be paid. Children must be fed. Bills continue arriving regardless of workplace disputes.

This is why secure contracts matter. Employment rights are not merely legal protections; they are practical tools that help balance power between employers and workers. Without that balance, insecurity can quickly become a means of control.

To be fair, the Government deserves credit for recognising that the existing system is failing too many people. For years, workers have carried the burden of flexibility while employers have enjoyed most of the benefits. The intention behind reform is welcome. But intentions alone do not improve people’s lives.

Ultimately, the success of these reforms will be judged by a very simple standard. Do workers feel more secure? Can they rely on their income from one month to the next? Can they arrange childcare, plan family finances and look ahead with confidence? Can they challenge poor treatment without fearing the loss of essential hours?

If the answer is yes, then the reforms will have delivered meaningful change. If the answer is no, Britain will simply have replaced one form of insecurity with another.

The principle should not be controversial. If someone regularly works thirty hours a week, their contract should reflect thirty hours a week. If someone’s livelihood depends on those hours, those hours should not be treated as optional.

That is not a radical demand. It is common sense.

For too long, flexibility has operated as a one-way street. Employers received certainty while workers absorbed the risk. A fair labour market requires a better balance than that. Security at work should not be a privilege enjoyed by the lucky few. It should be the foundation of decent employment for everyone.

By Maria Camara

Not a Penny to Political Parties — Solidarity Puts Members First

There is one set of figures in Solidarity’s latest annual statement that deserves more attention than it will probably receive.

Political Fund income: £0.
Political Fund expenditure: £0.
Political Fund balance: £0.

That is not an accounting accident. It reflects a deliberate difference between Solidarity and many other British trade unions.

Solidarity does not operate a political fund. We do not use members’ money to make donations to political parties or political candidates. We are not affiliated to any political party. Our income is there to support the Union and its members.

That distinction matters.

What is a political fund?

Under trade union law, a union that wishes to spend money on certain defined political purposes must normally maintain a separate political fund.

Political spending can include activities such as supporting political parties or candidates, contributing towards election campaigning and carrying out other forms of regulated political activity. It is separate from a union’s ordinary industrial work: representing members, negotiating with employers, providing advice, campaigning on workplace issues and supporting members in disputes.

Political funds are perfectly lawful and many unions choose to operate them. They can be substantial. The Certification Officer reported in July 2026 that 21 trade unions had political funds, with the 19 unions that had supplied financial information holding a combined £29.4 million in those funds.

Some unions also make significant direct donations to political parties.

Electoral Commission records show, for example, that in October 2025 GMB gave £217,625 to the Labour Party, while USDAW gave £212,961.75.

And the flow of union money into party politics did not stop there. Electoral Commission records for 2026 include donations to Labour of £20,079 from GMB, £22,604 and £5,250 from UNISON, and £32,908 from the Communication Workers Union, alongside further cash and non-cash contributions.

Those unions are entitled to make that choice under their own rules and democratic arrangements. Solidarity has made a different choice.

Our money stays with the Union

When a Solidarity member pays their subscription, none of it is diverted into a political fund.

None of it is earmarked for a cheque to a political party. None of it is used to support a parliamentary candidate because somebody at the top of the Union prefers one party to another.

Instead, Solidarity’s resources remain available for the work members reasonably expect their trade union to do: representation, advice, casework, organising, communications, campaigning on workplace issues, supporting members in difficulty and maintaining an effective, and, politically independent union.

That is a straightforward principle.

Members’ money should work directly for members.

Our 2025 accounts show total Union income of £23,294. For an organisation of our size, every pound matters. We believe there is a stronger case for using that money on direct union activity than on subsidising political organisations with their own fundraising structures, donors and membership bases.

This approach also gives us something else of real value:  political independence.

No political affiliation

Solidarity is not affiliated to the Labour Party, the Conservative Party, Reform UK, the Liberal Democrats, the Greens, the SNP or any other political party. We do not ask our members to share a party allegiance. That matters because a trade union is made up of workers with diverse views and backgrounds, it shouldn’t be a political tribe.

Our members will hold different political opinions. Some will vote Labour. Some Conservative. Some Reform. Some Liberal Democrat, Green, SNP or for another party or independent candidate. Others will vote for nobody at all.

They should all be equally at home in their union.

When a union formally affiliates to a political party, it creates an institutional relationship with that party. Affiliated unions may pay affiliation fees, participate in party structures and seek to influence policy from within. Supporters of that model argue that it gives organised labour a stronger political voice.

Solidarity takes another view of how best to protect its independence. We believe a union should be able to deal with any government, any minister, any MP and any political party purely on the basis of what is in the interests of its members.

If a government introduces a measure that helps working people, we should be free to welcome it. If the same government attacks workers’ interests a week later, we should be equally free to oppose it. Unions should not have to wonder whether criticism will embarrass a party to which they are financially or organisationally tied.

Nor should any politician imagine that Solidarity’s support can be purchased through party relationships or favours. 

Independence means judging policies on their merits

Political independence does not mean political silence. Trade unions inevitably deal with political questions. Employment law is political. Pay in the public sector is political. Pensions, health and safety regulation, redundancy law, collective bargaining rights and the right to strike are all affected by decisions made in Parliament and government. 

Solidarity will speak on all of those issues. 

But we do so as a trade union, not as an adjunct to a political party. That gives us the freedom to support a proposal from one party today and criticise another proposal from the same party tomorrow. It also allows us to concentrate on issues rather than party loyalty.

Our test is simple: what does this mean for our members and for working people? Not: what does our affiliated political party think? Not: which candidate is the Union supposed to be supporting? Not: will this upset somebody at party headquarters? For Solidarity, trade unionism comes first.

A union for members of every political view

There is another reason for keeping party politics out of the Union’s finances. A member should never have to feel that part of their subscription is being used to advance a political party they personally oppose.

A Conservative-voting worker and a Labour-voting worker can face exactly the same bullying manager.

A Reform voter and a Green voter can both be unfairly selected for redundancy.

A Liberal Democrat and someone who never votes at all may stand next to one another on the same picket line.

When they need their union, their political differences are irrelevant. What joins them together is their common interest as workers. That is the solidarity which matters to us.

Different from many unions — deliberately so

Many large trade unions have long-standing political traditions and relationships. That is their decision. Ours is different.

The wider trade union movement currently holds tens of millions of pounds in political funds, and Electoral Commission records show that individual union donations to parties can run into tens or hundreds of thousands of pounds at a time.

Solidarity’s political fund expenditure in 2025 was zero because we have no political fund. Our donations to political parties were zero. We are not affiliated to  any political party. We regard that as one of the strengths of our model.

It means our limited resources can remain focused on our members. It means we preserve our political independence. And it means that people can join Solidarity without being asked, directly or indirectly, to sign up to somebody else’s political loyalties.

There is room in the trade union movement for different traditions.

Solidarity’s tradition is straightforward:

No cheques for political parties. No party line. No political masters.

Our members come first. Together we are strong.

By Maria Camara

More Time to Bring a Tribunal Claim. Will It Make a Difference?

A significant change to Employment Tribunal procedure came into force on 1 October 2026. For most claims, the time limit for bringing proceedings has doubled from three months to six.

Trade unions have broadly welcomed the move, and with good reason. For years representatives have argued that the previous deadline was simply too short for many workers facing some of the most difficult situations of their lives.

The change forms part of the Employment Rights Act 2025 and applies to a wide range of employment claims, including unfair dismissal, discrimination, trade union rights, holiday pay, unlawful deductions from wages and National Minimum Wage cases.

For many workers, the old three-month time limit was never as straightforward as it sounded.

Employment disputes rarely begin with somebody immediately deciding to take legal action. More often there is a period of confusion, uncertainty and sometimes disbelief. A worker may be dismissed unexpectedly. An employee may begin to suspect that they have been treated unfairly because of disability, age, sex or another protected characteristic. A long-running workplace problem may gradually escalate into something more serious.

During that period people are usually focused on practical concerns rather than legal deadlines.

They are looking for another job. They are worrying about rent or mortgage payments. They are speaking with family members and attempting to make sense of what has happened. Seeking legal advice is often only one of several competing priorities.

Union representatives encounter this constantly.

A member eventually arrives seeking help only to discover that a substantial part of the limitation period has already disappeared. The representative then finds themselves undertaking what can be a substantial amount of work against an unforgiving deadline.

Documents need to be gathered. Witnesses identified. Grievance files reviewed. Internal correspondence examined. In some cases expert advice has to be sought. Acas Early Conciliation must also be considered.

None of that happens instantly.

The previous limitation period frequently created unnecessary pressure. Cases that deserved careful examination instead became races against the calendar.

That is one reason why the extension has been welcomed across much of the trade union movement.

Six months provides workers with a more realistic opportunity to understand their position and obtain advice before a claim must be lodged. It allows representatives to investigate matters properly rather than simply trying to preserve a claim before time expires.

It may also help workers who do not immediately appreciate that their rights have been breached.

Employment law is not always intuitive. What appears to be nothing more than an unpleasant workplace incident can, on closer examination, amount to unlawful discrimination or victimisation. Equally, a worker may initially accept an employer’s explanation before later discovering that the position is rather more complicated.

The additional time creates greater opportunity for those issues to be explored.

Just as importantly, it creates more space for resolution.

Most trade unionists are not interested in pursuing tribunal claims for the sake of it. Contrary to some popular myths, employment litigation is rarely anybody’s preferred outcome. A fair settlement, reinstatement, withdrawal of disciplinary sanctions or a meaningful workplace solution will often be preferable to years of legal proceedings.

A longer limitation period may allow more disputes to be resolved before positions become entrenched.

None of that means unions are celebrating unreservedly.

The extension deals with one problem, but it does not address another that has become increasingly difficult to ignore.

Employment Tribunals remain under considerable pressure.

The reality facing many claimants is that although they may now have longer to submit a claim, they can still face lengthy waits before receiving a final hearing. Delays have become a persistent source of frustration not just for claimants but for employers, representatives and tribunal staff themselves.

That matters because delays do not affect everyone equally.

When an employee has lost their job, months matter. When somebody is alleging discrimination or whistleblowing detriment, months matter. For workers facing financial uncertainty, waiting an extended period for a legal determination can be extremely difficult.

The government has presented the extension as an important step towards improving access to justice, and there is merit in that argument. Few union representatives would advocate a return to the previous three-month limit.

Nevertheless, access to justice involves more than simply allowing someone to file a claim.

The ability to enforce employment rights depends upon a tribunal system capable of dealing with cases effectively and within a reasonable timeframe. Without sufficient judges, administrative staff and resources, the risk is that workers gain additional time to enter a queue that is already struggling under the weight of its workload.

That concern has been voiced repeatedly within the trade union movement.

At UNISON’s National Delegate Conference in 2026, delegates welcomed the extension while highlighting the need for corresponding investment in tribunal capacity. Similar concerns have been expressed across the wider movement. The Trades Union Congress has consistently argued that employment rights depend not only on legislation but on the practical ability of workers to enforce those rights.

That distinction is important.

A right which exists in statute but cannot be vindicated effectively is a weaker protection than many politicians are willing to acknowledge.

The extension to six months is therefore best viewed as a useful and overdue reform rather than a complete solution.

For workers facing dismissal, discrimination, unpaid wages or workplace victimisation, the additional time will make a genuine difference. Representatives will have greater opportunity to investigate cases properly. Members will be less likely to lose potential claims simply because they were unable to obtain advice quickly enough.

Those are meaningful improvements.

The next challenge is ensuring that tribunal capacity keeps pace with the rights Parliament has chosen to create. If not, the danger is that a reform intended to improve access to justice simply exposes more workers to a system already struggling to meet demand.

From a trade union perspective the principle is straightforward. Workers should have adequate time to bring a claim, adequate support to understand their rights and a tribunal system capable of hearing cases without unreasonable delay.

The first of those objectives has now been addressed.

The remaining two still require attention.

By Maria Camara

Ending an Employment Contract: A Worker‑Centred Guide for 2026

Termination of employment is never just a technical moment in a contract. It is a point of vulnerability, a site of power imbalance, and often the moment when an employer’s culture reveals itself most starkly. Whether a worker resigns, is dismissed, or faces a more ambiguous “mutual agreement,” the law provides a framework — but it is workers, unions, and collective organisation that give that framework meaning.

This guide sets out the essentials of UK law on ending employment in 2026, with a focus on what workers need to know, what employers often get wrong, and how Solidarity can support members through the process.

1. The Three Main Routes Out of Employment

Resignation

A resignation must be clear and unambiguous. UK tribunals continue to reject attempts by employers to treat heat‑of‑the‑moment comments (“I’ve had enough,” “I’m done”) as binding resignations unless the worker confirms them later.

Key points:

• Workers must give contractual notice unless the employer has fundamentally breached the contract (constructive dismissal).

• Employers cannot “accept” a resignation that was never clearly given.

• A resignation given under duress — threats, pressure, or manipulation — may be invalid.

Dismissal

A dismissal occurs when the employer ends the contract. The law recognises five potentially fair reasons:

• Conduct

• Capability

• Redundancy

• Statutory illegality

• Some other substantial reason (SOSR)

But the reason is only half the story. A dismissal must also be procedurally fair. In 2026, tribunals continue to emphasise:

• A proper investigation

• A fair hearing

• The right to be accompanied

• Proportionate sanctions

• Consistency with how other workers are treated

Mutual termination / settlement agreements

Increasingly common, often used to avoid formal procedures. Workers should be cautious:

• A settlement agreement is only valid if the worker receives independent legal advice.

• Employers often frame these as “friendly exits,” but they are legal instruments designed to protect the employer.

• Solidarity strongly encourages members to seek union advice before signing anything.

2. Why the Date of Termination Matters

The termination date affects:

• Notice pay

• Accrual of holiday

• Continuous service (vital for unfair dismissal rights)

• Pension contributions

• Eligibility for redundancy pay

Tribunals have repeatedly held that the termination date is:

• The date the dismissal takes effect, not the date the letter is written.

• For resignations, the date the employer receives the resignation, not when the worker sends it.

• For summary dismissals, the date the employer communicates the decision.

In 2025–26 case law, tribunals have continued to scrutinise employers who attempt to manipulate dates to avoid liability — especially around the two‑year qualifying period for unfair dismissal.

3. Notice Periods: What Workers Are Owed

Statutory minimum notice

• One week if employed between one month and two years.

• One additional week per year of service up to a maximum of 12.

Contractual notice

If the contract gives more generous notice, that applies.

Pay in lieu of notice (PILON)

Employers can pay workers instead of requiring them to work notice, but:

• The contract must allow it, or

• The employer risks breaching the contract (which may increase compensation).

Garden leave

Employers may require workers to stay away from work during notice, but they must:

• Continue full pay and benefits

• Not use garden leave to punish or isolate workers

4. Constructive Dismissal: When Resignation Is Forced

Constructive dismissal remains one of the most misunderstood areas of employment law.

A worker may resign and claim constructive dismissal if the employer commits a fundamental breach of contract, such as:

• Bullying or harassment

• Unilateral changes to hours, pay, or duties

• Unsafe working conditions

• Ignoring grievances

• Disciplinary action taken in bad faith

The worker must resign promptly in response to the breach. Delay can be interpreted as acceptance.

Solidarity’s experience is that employers often rely on workers not knowing this right exists.

5. Wrongful vs Unfair Dismissal

These terms are often confused.

Wrongful dismissal

A contractual claim — usually about notice pay.

Key question: Did the employer breach the contract?

Unfair dismissal

A statutory claim — about reasonableness and fairness.

Key questions:

• Was there a fair reason?

• Was the process fair?

• Was dismissal a reasonable response?

Workers with certain continuous service usually qualify, but there are exceptions where no qualifying period is needed (e.g., whistleblowing, discrimination, asserting statutory rights).

6. Discrimination and Protected Characteristics

Here is a fully integrated, more nuanced, more protective, and more legally precise version of your section. It reads as a single, coherent piece and includes the additional layers you asked for—perception, association, and mixed‑motive discrimination—without losing clarity or authority.


6. Discrimination and Protected Characteristics

A dismissal is automatically unfair if the reason for it is connected—directly, indirectly, or even partly—to any of the protected characteristics set out in the Equality Act 2010. In these cases, the employee does not need two years’ service, and the employer’s reasoning, process, and underlying assumptions will be examined closely, including unconscious bias, inconsistent treatment, and reliance on stereotypes.

This protection applies not only where the characteristic is genuinely held, but also where it is perceived to be held or where the employee is treated unfavourably because of their association with someone who has a protected characteristic. A dismissal remains unlawful even where the protected characteristic is only one of several motives behind the decision.

The protected characteristics are:

  • Race — including colour, nationality, and ethnic or national origins. This covers explicit discrimination and more subtle forms, such as assumptions about cultural “fit”, language ability, or differential disciplinary standards.
  • Sex — applying equally to men and women. This includes dismissals influenced by gendered expectations, unequal behavioural standards, or assumptions about suitability for certain roles.
  • Disability — covering physical and mental impairments with a substantial and long‑term impact. A dismissal linked to disability‑related absence, behaviour arising from a disability, or a failure to consider reasonable adjustments may be automatically unfair.
  • Age — protecting workers of all ages. Decisions influenced by assumptions about capability, energy, experience, or “generational traits” fall within this category.
  • Religion or belief — including non‑religious philosophical beliefs that meet legal criteria. Dismissals connected to religious observance, expression, or perceived incompatibility with workplace culture may be discriminatory.
  • Sexual orientation — covering heterosexual, gay, lesbian, and bisexual employees. This includes dismissals influenced by prejudice, discomfort, or assumptions about lifestyle or behaviour.
  • Gender reassignment — protecting anyone proposing to undergo, undergoing, or who has undergone a process of transitioning. This includes dismissals linked to appearance, name changes, or colleagues’ reactions.
  • Pregnancy or maternity — one of the strongest protections in UK law. Any dismissal connected to pregnancy, pregnancy‑related illness, or maternity leave is automatically unfair, regardless of length of service or employer intent.
  • Marriage or civil partnership — protecting employees from dismissal because they are married or in a civil partnership, including situations where partnered employees are treated differently from single colleagues.

Employers often attempt to disguise discriminatory motives behind “performance” or “conduct” narratives. Tribunals are increasingly alert to this, especially where:

• There is a pattern of differential treatment

• Procedures are rushed or inconsistent

• Adjustments for disability are ignored

7. Redundancy: Rights and Realities

Redundancy must be genuine. Employers must:

• Consult meaningfully

• Use fair selection criteria

• Consider alternatives to redundancy

• Offer suitable alternative employment where available

Workers with two years’ service are entitled to statutory redundancy pay, but many employers offer enhanced packages.

Solidarity regularly challenges:

• “Sham” redundancies used to remove individuals

• Selection criteria that are opaque or subjective

• Failure to consult collectively where required

8. The Union’s Role: Power, Clarity, Protection

Employment law provides the floor, not the ceiling. Solidarity’s approach is grounded in:

• Early intervention — the earlier a member contacts us, the more options we have.

• Documentation — keeping records, emails, and timelines.

• Representation — ensuring no worker faces a meeting alone.

• Collective pressure — employers behave differently when they know workers are organised.

Termination is not just a legal event; it is a moment where solidarity matters most.

9. Practical Steps for Workers Facing Termination

1. Contact Solidarity immediately — even if you think it’s “not serious yet.”

2. Keep everything in writing — verbal conversations should be followed up with an email summary.

3. Request your personnel file if you suspect unfairness.

4. Do not sign anything (especially settlement agreements) without advice.

5. Record dates — they matter more than most people realise.

6. Stay calm, stay factual, stay supported — you are not alone.

10. Final Thoughts: The Human Reality Behind the Legal Framework

Employment law is often presented as neutral, technical, and balanced. But workers know the truth: the end of a contract is rarely a meeting of equals. It is shaped by power, culture, and the employer’s willingness to treat people with dignity.

This guide is not just about rights — it is about agency, collective strength, and the insistence that workers deserve fairness not only in law but in practice.

Solidarity stands with every worker navigating this moment.

By Pat Harrington

Advocating Change: Insights from Solidarity’s 2026 Annual Meeting

Solidarity’s 2026 AGM combined procedural clarity with emotional intelligence and a renewed commitment to trauma‑informed, member‑centred trade unionism. Chaired by David Kerr and guided by General Secretary Patrick Harrington, the union set out a bold, practical agenda for the year ahead.

Setting the Scene

The 2026 Annual General Meeting of Solidarity Union opened in Edinburgh with a sense of grounded purpose. The room—wood‑panelled was arranged with care: the camera positioned for accurate minute‑taking, the banner placed thoughtfully and seating adjusted so that David Kerr, chairing the meeting, could manage the flow of contributions with ease. Members joined both in person and online, a reminder of Solidarity’s commitment to hybrid democracy and accessibility.

The atmosphere was steady and comradely. People arrived with papers tucked under their arms, nodding greetings, settling into chairs. Online participants appeared in the corner of the screen, equally present, equally valued. It was a meeting shaped by the union’s ethos: practical, humane, and attentive to the realities of working people.

Opening and Financial Overview

Chair David Kerr opened the meeting, confirmed quorum, and handed the substantive business to General Secretary Patrick Harrington, whose report was characteristically transparent and precise.

Patrick emphasised that while the union is financially stable, its sustainability depends on membership dues and unpredictable case‑related donations. The financial report was accepted without challenge.

Representation, Growth, and the Year’s Work

Solidarity continues to grow steadily, gaining one to two new members each week, many of them careworkers, nurses and midwives navigating increasingly complex workplace pressures. The union’s model—empowering reps to manage their own cases with support from the centre—remains one of its strengths.

Patrick and Glen Nicklasson (our President) both noted the introduction of new workplace visitation rights, expanding the union’s ability to support members directly. He also welcomed the Labour government’s decision to abolish union fees to the Certification Office, easing administrative burdens and recognising the value of union transparency.

Motions and Debates

The AGM’s motions reflected the union’s core commitments: fairness, trauma‑informed practice, and principled advocacy.

Template Resources for Grievances and Disciplinaries

Patrick proposed creating a suite of standardised tools—template letters, checklists, step‑by‑step guides—to support members facing grievances, disciplinaries, or GDPR requests. These will be published on the union website and reviewed quarterly. The motion passed unanimously.

Challenging the Five‑Day Appeal Deadline

The union resolved to challenge the widespread but legally baseless five‑day appeal window in disciplinary procedures. Patrick and David Andrews argued for a minimum of 14 days, especially for members with trauma, disabilities, or limited access to representation. The motion passed with strong support.

Embedding Trauma‑Informed and Equality‑Conscious Principles

A major motion committed Solidarity to embedding trauma‑informed practice in all grievance and disciplinary work. This includes:

  • Predictability and transparency
  • Emotional safety
  • Reasonable adjustments as standard
  • Flexible deadlines
  • Supportive meeting formats

The union will develop model standards and training for reps.

Congratulating the Certification Office on 50 Years

The AGM formally congratulated the Certification Office on its 50th anniversary, recognising its role in maintaining transparency and independence in the trade union movement.

Welcoming Employment Rights Reforms — With Caveats

The union welcomed the Labour government’s new employment protections—day‑one rights, restrictions on exploitative practices, and stronger union safeguards. But Patrick and other speakers stressed the need for:

  • Better enforcement
  • Expanded collective bargaining
  • Stronger protections for precarious workers

Solidarity reaffirmed its political independence.

Solidarity with the Birmingham Refuse Workers

The AGM expressed full solidarity with Birmingham’s refuse workers, who are resisting unsafe and unfair changes to their working conditions. Solidarity has supported the dispute through publicity and donations, while navigating legal constraints around picketing.

Marking the Centenary of the 1926 General Strike

David Kerr proposed a motion honouring the 1926 General Strike whcih passed unanimously. Patrick framed it not as a failure but as a warning: when capital squeezes too hard, workers know how to strike back.

Constitutional Reform

Members approved a revised constitution designed to improve clarity, accessibility, and legal robustness. A key amendment clarified that:

  • Legal support is provided at the General Secretary’s discretion with a right of appeal to our Executive Council
  • Reps must be protected from coercion or undue pressure to pursue cases they judge unwise (passed by amendment from Graham)

This reform ensures that union resources are used strategically and ethically.

Casework and Campaigns

Patrick reported a rise in disability discrimination cases, particularly around absence management and performance procedures. Other cases involved redundancy disputes, breaches of the ACAS code, and Equality Act violations.

Campaigns this year include:

  • Buy UK Goods
  • Enforcement of the Equality Act, especially in the insurance sector
  • Ongoing work on well‑being and workplace culture

Patrick outlined the union’s tribunal strategy: support initial claims, but discourage weak cases that drain resources and offer little chance of success. Only strong cases will be taken to a Tribunal.

Closing Reflections from the General Secretary

Patrick closed the AGM with a speech that captured the emotional heart of union work. His remarks are reproduced in full:

Accomplishment, Happiness, and the Power of Union Work

Closing remarks delivered by General Secretary Patrick Harrington

Brothers and Sisters,

Let’s talk about something we don’t celebrate enough: the joy of getting things done. The deep, human satisfaction that comes from rolling up our sleeves, facing a challenge, and saying, “We made that happen.”

Accomplishment isn’t a luxury. It’s a need. It’s what keeps us moving, keeps us hopeful, keeps us connected to one another. When we achieve something — especially something hard — we feel it in our bones. That spark of pride. That lift in the chest. That sense that the world is a little fairer because we acted.

And that, comrades, is exactly what union work gives us.

Every time we win a case, every time we protect a member, every time we force an employer to think twice — that’s accomplishment. Real accomplishment. Not the empty targets and KPIs management throws at people. Not the hollow “wellbeing initiatives” that never touch the real issues. I’m talking about meaningful victories that change lives.

When a member walks into a meeting terrified and walks out supported — that’s accomplishment. When a workplace becomes safer because we refused to look away — that’s accomplishment. When someone keeps their job, keeps their dignity, keeps their rights — that’s accomplishment.

And we don’t do it alone. We do it together.

That’s why it feels so good. Because union accomplishment isn’t individual glory. It’s collective strength. It’s the knowledge that when we stand shoulder to shoulder, we can move mountains. We can take on employers bigger than us, systems stacked against us, and still come out stronger.

Our work gives us satisfaction because it matters. It has weight. It has consequence. It leaves the world better than we found it.

So let’s carry that energy into the year ahead.

Let’s take pride in what we’ve achieved — and hunger for what’s still to come. Let’s remember that every victory, big or small, feeds that deep human need to build, to protect, to improve.

And let’s never forget: When we accomplish things together, we don’t just win — we grow stronger, happier, and more united.

Thank you, comrades.

Report from Maria Camara

2025 AGM Highlights: Solidarity Union’s Commitment to Workers

The 2025 Annual General Meeting (AGM) of Solidarity Union brought members together in-person in Belfast. Others joined via online platforms. This reflects the union’s continued commitment to accessibility and democratic participation. The meeting covered the year’s activities, reviewed finances, and most importantly, debated and passed several motions addressing pressing issues facing workers across the UK.

Unanimous Support for All Motions

All motions presented during the meeting were passed unanimously, showcasing strong unity among members. Key motions included:

  • Support for Workers in Industrial Disputes: The union pledged moral, logistical, and financial support to various groups of striking workers. This assistance is provided on an individual basis. These groups include cleaners at the Old Bailey and Birmingham bin workers. Also included are NHS staff in Gloucestershire and London, and Merseyrail cleaners. These actions highlight deep-rooted issues of outsourcing, poor working conditions, and unfair pay.
  • Reform of Statutory Sick Pay (SSP): Solidarity called for an overhaul of the UK’s meagre SSP system. They advocated for higher rates and better eligibility to match European standards. This ensures no worker is forced to choose between health and income.
  • Employment Rights Bill: While welcoming new protections—like day-one rights and zero-hour contract reforms—the union criticized loopholes and omissions. It committed to campaigning for clearer employment status definitions and the immediate implementation of electronic balloting.
  • Raising the Tax Threshold for Pensioners: The union voiced concern about pensioners facing creeping tax liabilities. This is happening due to a frozen personal allowance. Solidarity resolved to campaign for increased thresholds to protect low-income retirees.
  • Neurodiversity and Acas Activity: This motion received particularly passionate support. Members shared powerful personal stories about systemic barriers faced by neurodivergent individuals. Examples included highly capable people being kept in unpaid volunteer roles for years. Others are endlessly cycled through repetitive “employability” courses. These experiences underscored a widespread view that such courses may be more about reducing unemployment statistics than enabling real employment.

A Lively and Emotional Debate

What truly stood out was the depth and energy of the debate surrounding these motions, especially the one on neurodiversity. Several members described how they or family members had been excluded from employment, despite having valuable skills. One recurring theme was the exploitation of neurodivergent people. They were placed in endless unpaid placements or training cycles. These rarely led to paid jobs. There was strong criticism of benefit cuts under the current Labour government. There was no corresponding effort to remove genuine workplace barriers for disabled people.

Even after the formal AGM ended, the discussion on neurodiversity continued informally. Non-union members joined the conversation. This dynamic is a testament to how immediate and real this issue feels to many in the wider community.

Leadership Messages: Strength in Unity and Personal Support

The General Secretary and the President addressed the reality of worker isolation. They emphasized the need for proactive, personal support to tackle workplace bullying or unexpected challenges. A key theme was that you cannot rely on so-called “neutral” institutions or ombudsmen. You need a union to fight for your interests.

The President’s rousing speech highlighted the importance of unity and personal connection. He asserted that what sets Solidarity apart is its commitment to providing a personal service. This service is grounded in real communication—not just distant voices or generic advice.

Conclusion

Solidarity Union may be small in size. The AGM reflected a passionate, informed, and united membership. They are committed to fighting for justice, inclusion, and fair treatment in the workplace. The motions passed. The debates held confirm that the union continues to be a voice for those often left unheard. Solidarity’s message is clear: when we stand together, we are never alone.

Solidarity forever!

By Maria Camara

2024: A Turning Point in British Politics

2024 will be remembered as a turning point in British politics, marking the return of a Labour government after nearly two decades. While the Keir Starmer-led Labour Party secured a landslide victory, questions remain about the legitimacy of their mandate and the direction of their policies. Despite the commanding 174-seat majority, Labour’s 33% vote share raises important questions about the fairness of our electoral system. Does this truly reflect the will of the people? Such disparities highlight the ongoing need to revisit and potentially reform our democratic processes.

Is it time to consider proportional representation to ensure all voices are heard? Labour’s honeymoon period was short-lived. Riots erupted across the United Kingdom in the wake of the tragic deaths of three young girls at a Dance and Yoga event in Southport, England. Rioting was reported in a dozen towns and cities, from Plymouth to Belfast. These events underline a growing disconnect between the government and the public, particularly on the sensitive issue of immigration. The unrest has sparked important questions: could these riots have been avoided if the government, and indeed previous ones, had been more attuned to public sentiment? Immigration remains a deeply divisive issue, with government responses often reactive rather than proactive. A comprehensive and compassionate immigration policy, paired with meaningful efforts to address public concerns, could go a long way in preventing such tragedies and fostering unity.

In brighter news, Chancellor Rachel Reeves delivered Labour’s first budget since 2010, bringing some relief to low-paid workers. The Living Wage rose from £11.44 to £12.21 an hour. While this is a step in the right direction, we at the Solidarity Trade Union must remind the Chancellor that it still falls short of the Actual Living Wage, which stands at £12.60. For workers on the frontlines of our economy, this discrepancy means continued struggles to make ends meet. Labour must do more to fulfill its promise of a fairer society.

As we reflect on the events of 2024, it’s clear we face significant challenges as a nation. However, these challenges also present opportunities for change. To achieve the fairer, more equitable society we all desire, we must remain engaged and active. Join your local union, participate in community initiatives, and make your voice heard. Together, we can shape a better future. Let us step into 2025 with determination, hope, and a shared commitment to building a society that works for everyone. Change may not come easily, but united, we can make it happen.

By Glen Nicklasson, President of Solidarity union

Xmas 2024 Message From Pat Harrington, General Secretary of Solidarity Union

2024 has been a pivotal year for employment law and trade union activity in the UK. The election of the new Labour government brought fresh hopes for workers’ rights. Their manifesto promised significant reforms to improve conditions for employees and empower trade unions. Here, we review the key developments, including the new Employment Act and its proposed amendments, and assess how far they have delivered on their commitments.

The New Labour Government

The Labour Party’s victory in the general election was hailed as a turning point for workers. The party ran on a platform of fairness, job security, and empowerment for employees. Early actions by the government focused on reversing some of the anti-union measures introduced by previous administrations. There were high expectations for transformative change.

The Employment Act 2024

One of the government’s flagship policies was the introduction of the Employment Act. This comprehensive legislation aimed to tackle issues like insecure work, low pay, and lack of workplace protections. Key provisions included:

  • A ban on zero-hours contracts, except in specific circumstances.
  • A requirement for all workers to have predictable contracts.
  • Increased statutory sick pay and holiday entitlements.
  • Strengthened rights for workers to join and organise in trade unions.

These measures were welcomed by unions and advocacy groups. However, employers raised concerns about the increased costs and administrative burdens.

Proposed Amendments

The Employment Act also introduced a framework for further reforms. Proposed amendments currently under consultation include:

  • Mandatory recognition of trade unions in workplaces with over 50 employees.
  • Greater protections for gig economy workers, building on recent court rulings.
  • Expanded parental leave provisions, including paid leave for carers.

While these proposals signal a strong commitment to workers’ rights, their implementation faces challenges. Some employers and political opponents argue that the changes could harm business competitiveness.

Delivering on Promises

The Labour government has made progress, but significant gaps remain. Trade unions welcomed the repeal of laws that restricted industrial action.

However, delays in implementing parts of the Employment Act have caused frustration.

Workers in the gig economy have seen incremental improvements. Recent court decisions, such as the Uber ruling, have set important precedents.

Yet, unions argue that legislative backing is needed to secure long-term change.

Trade Union Activity

2024 also witnessed increased union activity. The cost-of-living crisis and high inflation led to widespread industrial action.

Strikes were held in key sectors, including health, education, and transport. Unions played a critical role in negotiating improved pay deals and working conditions.

Solidarity supported the strikes, standing with workers in their fight for fair pay and conditions.

The union’s commitment to advocacy reinforced the importance of collective action in achieving tangible results for members.

The government’s pledge to strengthen collective bargaining has seen mixed results.

The new requirement for mandatory negotiations in large workplaces is a step forward.

But unions have called for more robust enforcement mechanisms.

Solidarity Union: Punching Above Its Weight

Solidarity, though a smaller union, has made a significant impact in campaigning for workers’ rights and providing representation at meetings for its members.

The union’s Technical Advantage Group has been utilising AI to expand into videos and assist with research this year.

This innovative approach has enhanced its ability to advocate for members effectively. AI will remain a key area of development in the coming year.

Solidarity has also built alliances with other groups to promote specific campaigns. Most recently, the union partnered with the Facebook group “Great UK Products You Can Buy” to promote its “Buy British at Xmas” campaign.

Strengthening such partnerships will be a priority in the next year, helping to amplify its message and achieve greater results for workers.

Solidarity was also pleased to see legislation on the fair allocation of tips, which it and other unions had campaigned for.

This important change ensures that workers in sectors like hospitality receive the tips they earn, promoting fairness and transparency.

Looking Ahead

The Labour government’s first year has laid important groundwork for change.

The Employment Act and related measures demonstrate a clear intent to prioritise workers’ rights.

However, the road ahead remains complex. Balancing the needs of businesses and workers will require careful navigation.

Unions and workers must remain vigilant. Continued advocacy is essential to ensure the government delivers on its promises.

The next year will be crucial in determining whether 2024 marks a true turning point for employment law and rights for workers in the UK.

Patrick Harrington
General Secretary
Solidarity Trade Union